Dusting off SICA: the Future of Central America and the War on Drugs

Central America’s War on Drugs and fight against organized crime has reached a turning point.
Central America has long been the “backyard” of the United States, yet recent events and ongoing trends suggest that security cooperation may not be business as usual. For years, Central American leaders have condemned the United States for buying drugs and selling guns; however, the recent explosion of violence in the region has reignited debate over the future of what is known as “the War on Drugs.”These long-held grievances have recently crystallized into a renewed push for the implementation of SICA (Secretariat for Central American Integration), Central America’s own answer to transnational crime. While it is unclear if or when SICA will finally be implemented, it is obvious that there is, now more than ever, a push for alternatives to the War on Drugs.SICA was designed to foster Central American economic, political, and military integration through a supranational Parliament, Court, and Security Commission. However, leaders in the isthmus have been unwilling to either concede sovereignty or set aside rivalries, and these institutions are generally seen as white elephants.Despite the dubious history of the overall body, the Security Commission specifically is now being pushed from theory to practice. One reason is the international consensus that Central America needs cooperation in order to confront the transnational drug trade. Intelligence sharing and common policies towards drugs and organized crime are necessary to avoid the balloon effect. SICA is currently the only option to implement these regional security policies. To this end, SICA has created a regional security strategy, but has not been able to make the leap from planning to implementation. The broader international community has responded well to the concept and has promised one billion dollars in funding if the program can get off the ground.Another major element is the displeasure with the current regional security program. Central American officials have criticized the U.S.-backed initiative. Local opinions and priorities were not considered during the creation of this program, which is currently steered by the United States rather than by regional leaders.In the past two years, these leaders have come to the troubling realization that the last decade's efforts have had little immediate impact. Drug criminalization and a direct assault on organized crime have not been immediately successful. Violence and homicide rates remain at excruciating levels, and gang membership is on the rise. Local police are still threatened by groups with readily available black market firearms, and jails are overflowing. Meanwhile, U.S. influence has nowhere to go but down, as its security funding to the area begins to dry up. Once accounting for a third of the total international security assistance in the area, American financial support will continue to decrease.Attempts at resurrecting SICA have stalled before, but this time may be different. A push for locally conceived, alternative policies could bring the region together. For example, leaders on the isthmus still cannot take the political risk of decriminalizing drugs unilaterally. Alternative approaches to combating transnational organized crime must be regional as well. In this sense, SICA’s success is tied to the region’s growing willingness and ability to implement alternative policies to transnational issues.Within Central America, the first steps have been taken, as alternative organized crime programs deemed successful give precedent to a departure from Drug War-era policies. One such effort is La tregua, the government-brokered gang truce and amnesty in El Salvador, which demonstrates that leaders in the region have become more assertive in pursuing their own policies and will continue to do so thanks to the success of the program. Since its implementation, homicides in the country have dropped precipitously. It is easy to underestimate the example that this move has set, yet its break from decades of policy and its unprecedented success have sent the simple message to other countries struggling with gang violence that this is a viable option.Regarding drugs, the global controversy over narcotics criminalization has been advancing substantially and will soon take center stage at an Organization of American States summit. Alternative approaches to drug control are becoming more mainstream and acceptable and will have better chances of being funded by the international community.Considering the continuing violence, the likelihood of implementing alternative policies through Central America’s own regional strategy has greatly increased. Bastions of dissent remain−especially regarding drug decriminalization−but there are indications that consensus may grow. Although El Salvador has denounced decriminalization in the past, it is actually less dedicated than previously thought. Honduras, which had been one of the largest recipients of U.S. aid, may find its resolve to maintain slipping policies as the checks stop coming and murder rates hold steady. Meanwhile, Guatemalan President Otto Perez-Molina remains a strong proponent of decriminalization, and Costa Rican President Laura Chinchilla, the current acting President of SICA, is dedicated to changing the regional policy towards organized crime and open to alternative drug policy.Central America wants its own security system. There is currently a push for alternative policies that must be implemented on a regional basis. The advancing global debate on drug issues and the withdrawal of U.S. funding make this project increasingly feasible both politically and fiscally. Whether or not SICA becomes reality in the near future, it is obvious that the War on Drugs and fight against organized crime in Central America will no longer be business as usual.