A “Litericide” in Putin’s Russia: Whither Intelligentsia?

Some ninety years ago, the young Soviet Republic decided it did not need intellectuals to build its communist utopia and expelled tens of thousands of literati from their homeland. The ships they used to leave the country were often called the “Philosophers’ ships,” a term somewhat more romantic than the moniker Lenin used to refer to the exiles themselves, infamously labeling them "the s**t of the nation."Vladimir Putin has been pursuing a softer version of Lenin’s strategy in regard to his critics. He spares no effort at either co-opting the intellectuals or curtailing their ability to fulfill themselves in Russia. Should this trend continue—and it most likely will—an Orwellian nightmare for all self-conscious Russians will be knocking at the door. To allow another “litericide” would undoubtedly be a great crime, but it would also put an end to the hopes for the democratic Russia so many await. This is where progressive Russians desperately need help from the United States.Historically, the word “intelligentsia” has been an umbrella term applied to a well-educated minority engaged in various kinds of mental labor. It is a class that has endured the most violent years of the czarist and communist tyrannies. For instance, Alexander Herzen, a Russian political thinker and writer, was forced to flee the Empire for his vehement critique of Czar Nicholas I’s despotic rule. The same fate befell Russian historian and novelist Alexander Solzhenitsyn a century later when he openly spoke against the Soviet Leviathan. Despite repression, this educated minority of the Russian nation has always stood for freedom, equality, and justice.University professors, scientists, artists, financiers, entrepreneurs, journalists and all other sorts of intellectuals comprise this social group today. Mentally and politically independent from the Putin regime, they constantly seek to enlighten fellow citizens in order to foster the growth of a civic community in Russia. But now that yet another autocratic clique has occupied the Kremlin for years to come, intellectuals in Russia find themselves facing a new threat.Like other authoritarian leaders, Vladimir Putin relies on a repertoire of oppression, propaganda, and financial incentives to co-opt the populace. However, this is not enough to buy the loyalty of educated or pro-democratic Russians. As such, this socio-political group is the main obstacle lying in the autocrat’s path to complete control over the people’s minds. Thus, Putin does not hesitate to demonstrate his intent to silence the group on every available occasion. Many prominent scholars have been forced to leave their jobs, and some flee their country in fear of oppression. Meanwhile, the forced flight of the intelligentsia further paves the way for a continued consolidation of Putin's grip on Russia.Having established near-complete control over Russia’s political and economic institutions, Putin and his ruling coalition have made any intellectual pursuit either highly unprofitable or dangerous. Unless one is willing to pledge total allegiance to the regime—to turn effectively from a scholar, scientist, or artist into a lackey—intellectual labor in Russia today is a highly undervalued and oftentimes risky endeavor. For example, Sergey Guriev, a renowned economist and intellectual, was forced to abdicate his chair at the New Economic School, a top Russian research institution, and go into exile for fear of persecution. More recently, for refusing to disclose private user data from “VK,” Russia’s largest social network, its founder and CEO Pavel Durov ultimately lost his venture and parted ways with Russia.Recently, former U.S. Ambassador to Russia and democracy scholar Michael A. McFaul wrote in a caustic New York Times op-ed, “As before, the current regime must be isolated…[I]ndividuals and companies not connected to the government must be supported, including those seeking to take assets out of Russia or emigrate.” McFaul’s advice underscores the vital importance of U.S. leadership in the democratization processes across the globe, and further in providing moral support to Russia’s intelligentsia and civil society in general—even when tensions between the two countries are high. The U.S. should continue to provide Russian civil society with opportunities to travel to the United States, pursue higher education in this country, partake in U.S.-Russian professional, educational, and cultural exchanges, and learn more about how democracy works.If the United States wants to promote talents at home and overseas while standing for its time-honored cause as a staunch defender of human rights worldwide, it should offer a helping hand to pro-democratic Russians. All that it needs to do is eliminate the vexing red tape and issue longer non-immigrant visas to those Russians seeking intellectual and entrepreneurial opportunities in the U.S.Not only will the U.S. rescue talented individuals from an ideological prison at the time of their intellectual blooming, but it will also help generate a strong movement for democracy outside and, eventually, inside Russia. Crucially, this framework will eventually end the yoke of ignorance and corruption under which millions of Russians are suffering. The benefits will far exceed the costs.If the United States chooses to facilitate temporary exchange of educated pro-democratic Russians, it will receive an influx of highly productive, law-abiding, and innovative individuals, who would positively contribute to the economy while studying and working in this country. More importantly, these people will obtain necessary experience to help craft democratic institutions in Russia when such expertise is called for.To take these points further, these Russian nationals will not be mere freeloaders seeking to stay in the U.S. forever, and in no way should the U.S. harbor the Kremlin’s ideological foes. Rather, the recipients of such visas will focus on the modernization of Russia rather than aimless geopolitical jiu-jitsu with the West.U.S. support in empowering civil society in Russia and helping to build sturdy democratic institutions is critical for Russia's future. The Western world—and the U.S. in particular—should invest in a free, equal, and prosperous Russia, not line the pockets of kleptocratic elites. Helping the oppressed in times of political terror would be a gesture of friendship a future democratic Russia would never forget.